Among the deluge of reportage from
the Panama Papers on tax havens, tax
dodging and money laundering in the past week, one article carried in the Guardian on 7 April has gone overlooked.
The sub-headline on the article
read: “After sanctions were imposed, it took four years for all companies
linked to John Bredenkamp to be shut down, Panama Papers show”
A key part of the article then read:
“Sanctions were imposed on alleged [Mugabe]
regime insiders John Bredenkamp and Billy Rautenbach. Bredenkamp had built an
estimated £700m fortune from tobacco trading, grey-market arms dealing, sports
marketing and diamond mining. His arms brokerage, ACS, counted BAE among its
major clients. Rautenbach had business interests in South Africa and
investments in Congolese mines.
Europe blacklisted both men in
January 2009. Their companies were registered with Panama-based offshore agent
Mossack Fonseca and after Europe issued sanctions, the firm’s partners quickly
agreed to resign and make a report to regulators in the British Virgin Islands,
where both Rautenbach and Bredenkamp’s companies were incorporated.
But the
Panama Papers, a leak of the internal data of Mossack
Fonseca, appear to show the firm missed multiple external red flags in the
years before the sanctions. Some of these might have prompted an earlier
resignation, or more detailed checks on the source of funds. The firm also
appears to have been slow to close down some of the companies in question, even
after deciding to resign.”
("Alleged Mugabe cronies kept
offshore firms years after UN alert raised" (http://www.theguardian.com/news/2016/apr/06/mugabe-zimbabwe-john-bredenkamp-billy-rautenbach-offshore-sanctions-panama-papers)
The Guardian had
reported seven years ago:
“BAE is
accused in the reports [leaked evidence from South African police and the
British Serious Fraud Office] of corrupt relationships with an arms tycoon,
John Bredenkamp, recently blacklisted in the US for his links with Robert
Mugabe of Zimbabwe. Bredenkamp's blacklisting freezes his assets in the US.”
(BAE accused
of £100m secret payments to seal South Africa arms deal, 6 December 2008; http://www.theguardian.com/world/2008/dec/06/bae-arms-trade)
But according to reports in the press and internet Mr
Bredenkamp - born
11 August 1940 in Kimberly, South Africa - had
personal involvement with David Cameron, when the current British prime
minister was a young business advisors.
According to internet sources, In what has been described
as a sanctions-busting trip, a youthful Mr Cameron visited South Africa in 1989
accompanied by Conservative MP, Sir Kenneth Warren and nuclear weapons inspector, Dr David Kelly
who in several earlier visits had been given access to South Africa's nuclear
weapons research facility at Pelindaba, near Pretoria.
The purpose of David Cameron’s trip, if the internet sources are to be
believed, was to arrange for three of South Africa's eight nuclear weapons to
be shipped to Oman, where they would be stored in case they were required in
Iraq. The remaining six nuclear warheads were destined to travel from South Africa to
Chicago in the US. The next phase of the operation was that, once the weapons
had left South African soil, the British Government would reimburse the South
African firm Armscor and the British firm Astra, through the middle man John
Bredenkamp
In order to keep this out of Parliament and out of the
public domain, the then British Prime Minister, Margaret thatcher, was asked to sign off these
weapons under a special Urgent Operational Requirement (UOR) describing them as
metal cylinders rather than nuclear bombs. The UOR document was signed just
before Mrs Thatcher left office in late 1990. It was subsequently revealed that
£17.8 million was siphoned from this secret nuclear deal into Conservative
Party funds. This narrative was the basis of the Facebook
page "David Cameron and the Missing Nukes" in July 2012, published on line by WikiSpooks.
John Bredenkamp (https://wikispooks.com/wiki/John_Bredenkamp)
is now a Zimbabwean citizen, and arms dealing tycoon
who in 1976 founded the Casalee Group, ostensibly trading in tobacco through a
large network of branches across Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, China, Greece,
India, Russia, Spain, Thailand and the USA.
John Bredenkamp's company was in fact secretly at the heart of the international arms trade, breaching UN sanctions in many of its deals. A British TV documentary "The Casalee File" (1994) alleged that Bredenkamp had supplied arms to Rhodesia, Iran and Iraq, as well as mines sold to Iraq which resulted in the killing and maiming of British soldiers in the Gulf war.
Bredenkamp is reported to hold Zimbabwean, South African and Dutch passports. As a Rugby Union international, he captained Rhodesia from 1965 to 1968.
John Bredenkamp's company was in fact secretly at the heart of the international arms trade, breaching UN sanctions in many of its deals. A British TV documentary "The Casalee File" (1994) alleged that Bredenkamp had supplied arms to Rhodesia, Iran and Iraq, as well as mines sold to Iraq which resulted in the killing and maiming of British soldiers in the Gulf war.
Bredenkamp is reported to hold Zimbabwean, South African and Dutch passports. As a Rugby Union international, he captained Rhodesia from 1965 to 1968.
When
he left Gallaher tobacco, Bredenkamp founded the Casalee Group of companies in
1976 registered in Antwerp, Belgium. It is believed that the Casalee operation
was involved in the sale of Rhodesian tobacco on world markets, through evasion
of UN sanctions. Casalee was primarily a leaf tobacco merchanting company but
was also engaged in general trading and an active initiator of counter trade
and barter deals. The Casalee Group grew over 16 years to become the fifth
largest tobacco merchant in the world and the biggest non-US leaf tobacco
company. The Group employed 2,500 people and had offices in all the major
tobacco growing countries in the world including the USA (Winston-Salem),
Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, China, Greece, India, Indonesia, Italy, Portugal,
Russia, Spain, Thailand, Turkey and Yugoslavia. The company owned
tobacco-processing factories in Holland, Zimbabwe, Malawi and Brazil.
The Casalee Group of companies was sold in 1993 to Universal Leaf Tobacco,
the largest leaf tobacco company in the world, for $100 million.[9]
Since then, Bredenkamp has expanded his business interests into many other
different areas, through both the Zimbabwe registered Breco Company and Defence Company Ltd (Defco)
in England.
Bredenkamp's
career took off in earnest during the late 1970s when he became deeply involved
in the commercial affairs of the embargoed UDI regime in Rhodesia. It has been
claimed that he effectively ran the finances of the Rhodesian armed forces
during the later stages of the Bush War. [12]
In this capacity, he brokered export sales of Rhodesian products (mainly
tobacco) and used the proceeds to fund the purchase of munitions and military
equipment. His "sanctions busting" deals (often involving complex
barter transactions) arguably helped sustain the UDI regime for far longer than
would otherwise have been possible. These deals were entirely legal under
Rhodesian law.
After independence in 1980, Bredenkamp left Zimbabwe and moved his base of operations to Belgium. In September 2006 Bredenkamp was tried in Zimbabwe on charges that he used a South African passport on international journeys. Zimbabwean citizenship law does not permit dual nationality. Although acquitted, he had to fight a second court case to obtain an order to return his Zimbabwe passport which the clerk of the court had retained. He was ordered to produce documentary evidence of his renunciation of South African citizenship in order to have his nationality restored permanently.
After independence in 1980, Bredenkamp left Zimbabwe and moved his base of operations to Belgium. In September 2006 Bredenkamp was tried in Zimbabwe on charges that he used a South African passport on international journeys. Zimbabwean citizenship law does not permit dual nationality. Although acquitted, he had to fight a second court case to obtain an order to return his Zimbabwe passport which the clerk of the court had retained. He was ordered to produce documentary evidence of his renunciation of South African citizenship in order to have his nationality restored permanently.
In
his book In the Public
Interest, Gerald James describes Bredenkamp's arms trade
and British MI6 involvement thus:
“Casalee had bases all over the world, including America,
Luxembourg and of course Brussels, with its special understanding of the
intelligence services of Britain.... Casalee made its vast wealth acting as
middleman to all the major players in the arms industry with the blessing of
both US and British Intelligence. According to the Belgian Public Prosecutor,
Casalee was in fact largely connected and controlled by MI5, the British Intelligence service with responsibilities in
former colonies.”
As Chairman of British arms manufacturer Astra Holdings throughout the the period that produced the ‘Arms-to-Iraq scandal’, Gerald James was in a better position than most to understand the finer points of Casalee's Intelligence and arms trade involvement.
As Chairman of British arms manufacturer Astra Holdings throughout the the period that produced the ‘Arms-to-Iraq scandal’, Gerald James was in a better position than most to understand the finer points of Casalee's Intelligence and arms trade involvement.
In June 2013, the Independent reported another court case
involving Mr Bredenkamp, this time in Britain, saying “The Government is at the
centre of an extraordinary legal battle with a Zimbabwean arms dealer who
claims the Foreign Office unlawfully caused his assets to be frozen based on
“unsubstantiated” comments made to an ambassador.
John Bredenkamp, a controversial businessman accused of breaking sanctions in Rhodesia in the 1970s and supplying arms to both sides during the Iran-Iraq war, is suing the Foreign Secretary, William Hague, after he discovered the British Government was behind a decision to blacklist him for supporting Robert Mugabe.
The 72-year-old tycoon claims the European Union measure in 2009 was “devastating for his personal and professional reputation” and was based on “exceptionally generalised” evidence.
In documents filed at the High Court, Mr Bredenkamp’s lawyers said the Foreign Office’s evidence was “based on entirely unsubstantiated, undocumented and unparticularised comments made orally to the former ambassador of the United Kingdom to Zimbabwe, Dr Andrew Pocock”.
“Remarkably, and despite the entirely predictable and disastrous consequences which would flow from listing the claimant, it appears the ambassador failed to seek, let alone obtain, any detail at all as to the comments made to him, and that he did not even make contemporaneous records of those comments he particularly relied upon.”
The last sentence of the Independent news report read: “A representative of Mr Bredenkamp’s who attended court but refused to give his name told The Independent that “everything that has ever been written about him is fictitious and based on no evidence”. He added: “If you Google Mr Bredenkamp he is supposed to have stolen nuclear bombs. It is ridiculous.”
John Bredenkamp, a controversial businessman accused of breaking sanctions in Rhodesia in the 1970s and supplying arms to both sides during the Iran-Iraq war, is suing the Foreign Secretary, William Hague, after he discovered the British Government was behind a decision to blacklist him for supporting Robert Mugabe.
The 72-year-old tycoon claims the European Union measure in 2009 was “devastating for his personal and professional reputation” and was based on “exceptionally generalised” evidence.
In documents filed at the High Court, Mr Bredenkamp’s lawyers said the Foreign Office’s evidence was “based on entirely unsubstantiated, undocumented and unparticularised comments made orally to the former ambassador of the United Kingdom to Zimbabwe, Dr Andrew Pocock”.
“Remarkably, and despite the entirely predictable and disastrous consequences which would flow from listing the claimant, it appears the ambassador failed to seek, let alone obtain, any detail at all as to the comments made to him, and that he did not even make contemporaneous records of those comments he particularly relied upon.”
The last sentence of the Independent news report read: “A representative of Mr Bredenkamp’s who attended court but refused to give his name told The Independent that “everything that has ever been written about him is fictitious and based on no evidence”. He added: “If you Google Mr Bredenkamp he is supposed to have stolen nuclear bombs. It is ridiculous.”
(“Zimbabwean arms dealer
sues Foreign Office for freezing assets” Independent, Friday 21 June 2013; http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/zimbabwean-arms-dealer-sues-foreign-office-for-freezing-assets-8669188.html
Make
up your own mind.
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