Letter sent to The Guardian:
One of the more obscure new bills unveiled
in the Queen’s speech is one covering “nuclear safeguards” as part of
repatriation of legislation post Brexit.
When your energy correspondent reported earlier on the implications of the UK leaving Euratom, (“UK exit from EU
atomic treaty under Brexit 'will delay power stations,' Guardian, 27
January; https://www.theguardian.com/business/2017/jan/27/uk-exit-eu-atomic-treaty-brexit-euratom-hinkley-point-c) an anonymous
government spokeswoman was quoted as asserting that the UK wanted to see a
continuity of cooperation and standards. “We remain absolutely committed to the
highest standards of nuclear safety, safeguards and support for the industry.
Our aim is clear – we want to maintain our mutually successful civil nuclear
cooperation with the EU.”
The
government misleadingly describes the main benefits of
the Bill as being to ensure that the UK continues to meet our
international obligations for nuclear safeguards, as applies to civil
nuclear material through the International Atomic Energy
Agency. (www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/620838/Queens_speech_2017_background_notes.pdf)
The agreement is
voluntary in the sense it is entered into by the UK to demonstrate to non-nuclear
weapons states that the UK , as a nuclear WMD state, is prepared to suffer an
equivalent disruption – dubbed “equlity of misery” - of its commercial nuclear
plants by safeguards applications
But to
demonstrate clearly the UK safeguards agreement is not prohibitive of internal proliferation,
under article 14 of the 1978 agreement, the UK has withdrawn nuclear materials from
peaceful use commitments “for national security reasons” at least 650 times
since 1978, according to figures released by the Office for Nuclear Regulation
In renegotiating the new treaty, the
UK should exclude this permissive withdrawal article, that allows the UK to
militiarise its civil nuclear operations with impunity, while excoriating other states to be bound by their own non diversion international treaty commitments.
It is now time energy and foreign
ministers and their advisors turn their attention to what they are going to do
to ensure nuclear safeguards continuity in the UK post Brexit. But to give the
new oversight role to our national nuclear regulator (ONR), as the bill proposes,
will surely be unacceptable to other nations, as it would de facto be self-regulation.
The UK must surely avoid becoming a
nuclear rogue state by default.
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