Monday, 18 April 2016

Plans to use 790 nukes on North Africa unearthed


 

 

As reports emerge of secret British Government plans to deploy 1000 troops on the ground in Libya, to take on the growing threat of ISIS fighters, created by the coalition attack to remove President Gadaffi  in October 2011(http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3544716/UK-deploy-1-000-troops-Libya-bid-fight-growing-ISIS-threat-migrant-smuggling-crisis.html), here is a story from an earlier age concerning the Western Saharan desert, when scientists planned to use megatonnescale (“peaceful”) nuclear explosions to excavate a huge canal  or ‘seaway’ to open up  huge lakes in the Tunisian/Libyan desert

 

The notion emerged as part of the prevailing idea of the time that atomic explosions could be used for civil engineering purposes under the rubric of “Project Plowshares”, driven by the US, but also undertaken by Soviet scientists to move mountains in Siberia.

 

The authors of the paper open by conceding “One of the difficulties confronted in advancing explosives-engineering is that experimentation is both hazardous and expensive. This is particularly true of engineering experiments employing nuclear explosives, because there is a possibility that personnel located many miles from the center of the atomic blast may suffer from fallout or the migration of radioactivity through groundwater to public sources of drinking water.”

 

The paper emerged from a report submitted by a student team in the course of Engineering with Nuclear Explosives at Georgia Tech in the summer of 1968. The academic overseeing it observed it includes  an “ expression of deliberate concern for the betterment of mankind.”

 

The students named the study "Project Pecos Bill" after an American folklore
character, a mythical super cowboy who invented roping and other cowboy
skills. During a very dry spell, Pecos Bill is said to have used a pointed
stick to dig the Rio Grande River and bring water from the Gulf of Mexico.
The poignant results of his work can be seen in the agricultural splendor
that is the Rio Grande Valley.
 
After the US Atomic Energy Commission established the Plowshare Program
in 1957 to investigate and develop peaceful uses for nuclear explosives, several
possible applications were considered that were primarily large scale excavations
of a magnitude greater than was economically feasible with conventional
explosives. This led to experimental blasts in several different media and depths, two
of which included  the gas-sands ‘shot’ at Rulison, Colorado and the deep
blast in the igneous rock of the Aleutian Islands. Until early in 1969 it
was hoped that it might be possible to make a real excavation for a harbor on
the west coast of Australia to aid in the shipping of newly proven deposits of
iron ore.
 
The author ruefully observed:  “Unfortunately, that development was postponed rather indefinitely.”
 
The area chosen for this study was the chott region in central Tunisia and  Algeria, North Africa, a region is characterized by the series  of so-called dry lakes or "chotts" which stretch across a considerable section  of the northern Sahara desert region from the Gulf of Gabes in Tunisia on the  east to the eastern borderlands of Morocco on the West.
The immediate benefits of such an excavation were identified as several:
1) A plentiful water supply could turn this arid land into a more
useful agricultural area. New developments in arid-agriculture
in Israel have shown that the problematic sand dunes can be a
blessing in disguise when combined with irrigation from salt
water sources such as seawater.
2) Tunisia has about one-third of the world's phosphate deposits.
The proposed canal would provide a sea route to within 25 miles
of those deposits and could conceivably make them more economical
to mine and market.
3) Such a canal would provide ready access to vast petroleum deposits
in east-central Algeria At present the petroleum produced
in this area must be moved via pipeline over the Atlas
mountains to the coastal cities of northern Algeria.
 
Potential changes in humidity, the authors argue “could enhance rainfall probabilities not only in Tunisia and Algeria but possibly in other countries such as Libya and Egypt.
Salt farming, for centuries the prerogative of legendary Timbuctu, could take
place in various locations across north Africa with better production methods
and products. Indeed, cave paintings found in the southern Sahara suggest that
well established agriculture and much game (now restricted to savannah country
far to the south) once existed here. Obviously, the economic potentials could
be as great as there are imaginative minds and ambitious capital to bring them
about.”
 
In such a project, it is desirable to conduct pre-shot and post-shot
environmental surveys, the authors set out.
 
Of the two, the pre-shot survey is more likely to be time consuming and 
expensive, for it must set the stage for the post-shot survey. Such an 
environmental study must include such topics as a qualitative and quantitative radioactive analysis of typical surface soils, plants and animals to determine 
the various routes taken by radionuclides into the food
chains. This should include all elements possible that might be produced in
the nuclear reaction (at least as groups) even though they have not been
established as necessary constituents of the nutritional (micro- or macro-)
requirements of living things.
The proposed canal would form an inland embayment from the Mediterranean
Sea from what is now the Chott Djerid and possibly sections of Chott Djerid.
The micro-organisms most likely to be involved in concentration of radioactive
traces of various nutritional elements are the phytoplankton. These
simple plants, characteristic of all aquatic environments, serve as food to
almost all levels of fish and other aquatic life. After they have died or
been killed by some environmental change, their organic and inorganic remains
serve as nutrients for other sea plants and bottom feeders.
 
They asserted:” The radioactive materials produced by the nuclear explosions probably
will not present any hazard to the workmen concerned with construction of the
canal. However, once the seaway has water in it, the radioactive nuclides will
have the opportunity to diffuse into the aquatic environment. Since fish tend
to concentrate the ferrous metals, zinc and manganese, it would be advantageous
to minimize the content of these materials in the explosive devices. Use of
borated materials in the explosive devices might also help reduce the development
of induced activity in soil minerals. A continuous survey on the economically
important fish species for about one year after introduction of water
into the area would be imperative.”
 
It continued: “ The fraction of radionuclides formed that would escape from 
the crater would be small; nonetheless surveillance of the plant consumption 
in the area should be maintained to minimize the possibility of radionuclides 
reaching the food chain of man.
Complete quarantine for human and animal consumption of any vegetation until the completion of the project (2-5 years) would be an expensive and probably unnecessary
restriction to avoid contamination.”
 
On a long term basis, they concluded,  the advantages definitely outweigh the disadvantages. With the seaway would come shipping, development of industries along the waterway and general development of harbor areas. Resort areas could be made widely
available and a great expansion of the olive and citrus groves that thrive on
the near-shore night humidity could be undertaken. Fishing in the relatively
shallow basins that were the chotts could become as rich an industry as that in
the Caspian, Black, or Tiberian Seas.
 
The optimum yield for the devices, optimum depth of burial, and row spacing were calculated  The proposed canal route covered about 107.5 miles in Tunisia from north of Gabes to the Chott Djerid and consisted of five straight-line segments. With the exception of the village of El Hamma, the [planned detonation areas] were, they judged,  “well removed from population centers” and thus “the proposed route might have to be evacuated for a few weeks.”
 
For the most of the proposed route, the minimum device yield required  would be on the order of 150 kilotons. Therefore, the required spacing of  several 150 kiloton devices iT a row charge such that a smooth channel will be  formed is approximately 715 feet. Under such presumptions, a minimum of 790  devices with a total yield of 119 uiegatons would be required to cut the desired  107-mile long channel
 
The authors observed “radiation levels resulting from the larger devices are not
substantially greater than that from the 150 kiloton devices, since activity
release is produced primarily from the fission "trigger" and not from the
energy-producing portion of the nuclear interaction. The fission trigger is
relatively constant in size and relatively similar amounts of activity are
released for dissimilar yields.”
 
Based on these and other considerations, a device yield of two megatons
was chosen for the canal construction. This decision was made primarily
because a two megaton device is not so unduly large as to complicate handling
and (according to published AEC specifications) is capable of being emplaced
in a 30 inch diameter hole. In addition, the depth of burial for cratering  applications of a device of this size is approximately 1500 feet ... a reasonable  depth for drilling at a remote location, and certainly for one which is
near well developed oil fields.
 
Each row of five devices would “ excavate 1.4 miles of canal. The detonation
order would be in alternate blocks of five devices returning to detonate
the remaining blocks after a short period allowed for activity decay.”
 
The concluded that: ”The cost of such a project is, of course, enormous from the layman's point of view, but an overall project cost of the order of one billion dollars does not seem so great when measured against the financial gain this will
represent as an investment. “
 
The concluding summary of the 1970 Las Vegas conference on the peaceful use of nuclear explosions stated: “…This country is dedicated to a positive program for improving the quality of our air and water. These are right and proper goals and should be carefully
analyzed and systematically approached, but I think we need a yardstick, a
measure of pollution. "Why not use the ratio of the pollutant to natural background?
The pre-man level? By that yardstick, the nuclear energy industry has a very proud record indeed. Improving the quality of our air and water  will be very costly.. but the way for that improvement is through technology. If we have the foresight to set aside emotional irrationalities, we can move forward using nuclear energy and nuclear explosions to improve our environment. The papers presented at this symposium have recognized the importance of the environment. If smog can be reduced, if mining dumps can be avoided, if waste can be disposed, and if non fossil fuel energy can be tapped, indeed, Plowshare will have made a most important positive contribution to cleaning up the environment.”
 
I wonder if the citizens of Libya and Tunisia would have agreed.
 
 

* AN INTERIOR SEAWAY FOR NORTHERN AFRICA

J. B. F. Champlin*

Westinghouse Electric Corporation

Environmental Systems

J. W. Poston, J. A. Lake

Georgia Institute of Technology

 

** AMERICAN NUCLEAR SOCIETY-ATCMIC ENERGY COMMISSION

SPONSORED SYMPOSIUM ON

"ENGINEERING WITH NUCLEAR EXPLOSIVES"

. DUNES HOTEL, LAS VEGAS, NEVADA

JANUARY 16, 1970

Tuesday, 12 April 2016

Small is not always beautiful

Letter sent to The Times:

As Lady Barbara Judge, now the chairwoman of the Institute of Directors has a long history of involvement in nuclear energy governance, it is surprizing she could include so many inaccuracies as she manages in her business comment article “When it comes to nuclear’s future, it’s time to think small.” (The Times, April 11;

 
Her arguments follow the equally misguided position paper (Number 10) on nuclear options currently circulated for comment (responses  by 26 April)  by the European Commission Joint Research Centres (JRC - Institute for Energy and Transport ) by the  Strategic Energy Technology (SET) - Plan Secretariat on 6 April, which asserts: “small modular reactors and co-generation plants may develop on a shorter timescale [than 2050, the target date for advanced generation 4 reactors].”
 
Independent technological and economic studies of this reactor type have discovered many problems, including proliferation, security, multiple siting, radioactive waste and cost.
 
 
One such study, “Small Modular Reactors: Safety, Security and Cost Concerns” by the Union of Concerned Scientists, based in Boston, published in September 2013, countered argument that SMRs can be built with a smaller capital investment than plants based on larger reactors, and even cites an earlier, less Panglossian, EU study in its support:
"Economies of scale dictate that, all other things being equal, larger reactors will generate cheaper power. SMR proponents suggest that mass production of modular reactors could offset economies of scale, but a 2011 study by the European Commission’s Joint Research Centres’ Institute for Energy, ‘Economic viability of small to medium-sized reactors deployed in future European energy markets’ (Progress in Nuclear Energy)
concluded that SMRs would still be more expensive than current reactors." 
 
As we know, large gigawatt reactors attract huge capital costs, and generate power at an astronomically expensive price.
 
Why is Lady Judge advising Abu Dhabi - bathed in sun 365 days a year, floating on oil and gas - to build nuclear power plants anyway?

Monday, 11 April 2016

Cameron’s cronies


 

Among the deluge of reportage from the Panama Papers on tax havens, tax dodging and money laundering in the past week, one article carried in the Guardian on 7 April has gone overlooked.

The sub-headline on the article read: “After sanctions were imposed, it took four years for all companies linked to John Bredenkamp to be shut down, Panama Papers show”

A key part of the article then read:

“Sanctions were imposed on alleged [Mugabe] regime insiders John Bredenkamp and Billy Rautenbach. Bredenkamp had built an estimated £700m fortune from tobacco trading, grey-market arms dealing, sports marketing and diamond mining. His arms brokerage, ACS, counted BAE among its major clients. Rautenbach had business interests in South Africa and investments in Congolese mines.

Europe blacklisted both men in January 2009. Their companies were registered with Panama-based offshore agent Mossack Fonseca and after Europe issued sanctions, the firm’s partners quickly agreed to resign and make a report to regulators in the British Virgin Islands, where both Rautenbach and Bredenkamp’s companies were incorporated.

But the Panama Papers, a leak of the internal data of Mossack Fonseca, appear to show the firm missed multiple external red flags in the years before the sanctions. Some of these might have prompted an earlier resignation, or more detailed checks on the source of funds. The firm also appears to have been slow to close down some of the companies in question, even after deciding to resign.”


The Guardian had reported seven years ago:

“BAE is accused in the reports [leaked evidence from South African police and the British Serious Fraud Office] of corrupt relationships with an arms tycoon, John Bredenkamp, recently blacklisted in the US for his links with Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. Bredenkamp's blacklisting freezes his assets in the US.”

(BAE accused of £100m secret payments to seal South Africa arms deal, 6 December 2008; http://www.theguardian.com/world/2008/dec/06/bae-arms-trade)


But according to reports in the press and internet Mr Bredenkamp - born 11 August 1940 in Kimberly, South Africa - had personal involvement with David Cameron, when the current British prime minister was a young business advisors.

According to internet sources, In what has been described as a sanctions-busting trip, a youthful Mr Cameron visited South Africa in 1989 accompanied by Conservative MP, Sir Kenneth Warren  and nuclear weapons inspector, Dr David Kelly who in several earlier visits had been given access to South Africa's nuclear weapons research facility at Pelindaba, near Pretoria.

The purpose of David Cameron’s  trip, if the internet sources are to be believed, was to arrange for three of South Africa's eight nuclear weapons to be shipped to Oman, where they would be stored in case they were required in Iraq. The remaining six nuclear warheads  were destined to travel from South Africa to Chicago in the US. The next phase of the operation was that, once the weapons had left South African soil, the British Government would reimburse the South African firm Armscor and the British firm Astra, through the middle man John Bredenkamp

In order to keep this out of Parliament and out of the public domain, the then British Prime Minister, Margaret thatcher,  was asked to sign off these weapons under a special Urgent Operational Requirement (UOR) describing them as metal cylinders rather than nuclear bombs. The UOR document was signed just before Mrs Thatcher left office in late 1990. It was subsequently revealed that £17.8 million was siphoned from this secret nuclear deal into Conservative Party funds. This narrative was the basis of the Facebook page "David Cameron and the Missing Nukes" in July 2012, published on line by WikiSpooks.


 
John Bredenkamp (https://wikispooks.com/wiki/John_Bredenkamp)  is now  a Zimbabwean citizen, and arms dealing tycoon who in 1976 founded the Casalee Group, ostensibly trading in tobacco through a large network of branches across Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, China, Greece, India, Russia, Spain, Thailand and the USA.
John Bredenkamp's company was in fact secretly at the heart of the international arms trade, breaching UN sanctions in many of its deals. A British TV documentary "The Casalee File" (1994) alleged that Bredenkamp had supplied arms to Rhodesia, Iran and Iraq, as well as mines sold to Iraq which resulted in the killing and maiming of British soldiers in the Gulf war.

Bredenkamp is reported to hold Zimbabwean, South African and Dutch passports. As a Rugby Union international, he captained Rhodesia from 1965 to 1968.

When he left Gallaher tobacco, Bredenkamp founded the Casalee Group of companies in 1976 registered in Antwerp, Belgium. It is believed that the Casalee operation was involved in the sale of Rhodesian tobacco on world markets, through evasion of UN sanctions. Casalee was primarily a leaf tobacco merchanting company but was also engaged in general trading and an active initiator of counter trade and barter deals. The Casalee Group grew over 16 years to become the fifth largest tobacco merchant in the world and the biggest non-US leaf tobacco company. The Group employed 2,500 people and had offices in all the major tobacco growing countries in the world including the USA (Winston-Salem), Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, China, Greece, India, Indonesia, Italy, Portugal, Russia, Spain, Thailand, Turkey and Yugoslavia. The company owned tobacco-processing factories in Holland, Zimbabwe, Malawi and Brazil.
The Casalee Group of companies was sold in 1993 to Universal Leaf Tobacco, the largest leaf tobacco company in the world, for $100 million.[9] Since then, Bredenkamp has expanded his business interests into many other different areas, through both the Zimbabwe registered Breco Company and Defence Company Ltd (Defco) in England.

Bredenkamp's career took off in earnest during the late 1970s when he became deeply involved in the commercial affairs of the embargoed UDI regime in Rhodesia. It has been claimed that he effectively ran the finances of the Rhodesian armed forces during the later stages of the Bush War. [12] In this capacity, he brokered export sales of Rhodesian products (mainly tobacco) and used the proceeds to fund the purchase of munitions and military equipment. His "sanctions busting" deals (often involving complex barter transactions) arguably helped sustain the UDI regime for far longer than would otherwise have been possible. These deals were entirely legal under Rhodesian law.
After independence in 1980, Bredenkamp left Zimbabwe and moved his base of operations to Belgium. In September 2006 Bredenkamp was tried in Zimbabwe on charges that he used a South African passport on international journeys. Zimbabwean citizenship law does not permit dual nationality. Although acquitted, he had to fight a second court case to obtain an order to return his Zimbabwe passport which the clerk of the court had retained. He was ordered to produce documentary evidence of his renunciation of South African citizenship in order to have his nationality restored permanently.

In his book In the Public Interest,  Gerald James describes Bredenkamp's arms trade and British MI6 involvement thus:

“Casalee had bases all over the world, including America, Luxembourg and of course Brussels, with its special understanding of the intelligence services of Britain.... Casalee made its vast wealth acting as middleman to all the major players in the arms industry with the blessing of both US and British Intelligence. According to the Belgian Public Prosecutor, Casalee was in fact largely connected and controlled by MI5, the British Intelligence service with responsibilities in former colonies.”

As Chairman of British arms manufacturer Astra Holdings throughout the the period that produced the ‘
Arms-to-Iraq scandal’, Gerald James was in a better position than most to understand the finer points of Casalee's Intelligence and arms trade involvement.

In June 2013, the Independent reported another court case involving Mr Bredenkamp, this time in Britain, saying “The Government is at the centre of an extraordinary legal battle with a Zimbabwean arms dealer who claims the Foreign Office unlawfully caused his assets to be frozen based on “unsubstantiated” comments made to an ambassador.
John Bredenkamp, a controversial businessman accused of breaking sanctions in Rhodesia in the 1970s and supplying arms to both sides during the Iran-Iraq war, is suing the Foreign Secretary, William Hague, after he discovered the British Government was behind a decision to blacklist him for supporting Robert Mugabe.
The 72-year-old tycoon claims the European Union measure in 2009 was “devastating for his personal and professional reputation” and was based on “exceptionally generalised” evidence.
In documents filed at the High Court, Mr Bredenkamp’s lawyers said the Foreign Office’s evidence was “based on entirely unsubstantiated, undocumented and unparticularised comments made orally to the former ambassador of the United Kingdom to Zimbabwe, Dr Andrew Pocock”.
“Remarkably, and despite the entirely predictable and disastrous consequences which would flow from listing the claimant, it appears the ambassador failed to seek, let alone obtain, any detail at all as to the comments made to him, and that he did not even make contemporaneous records of those comments he particularly relied upon.”

The last sentence of the Independent news report read: “A representative of Mr Bredenkamp’s who attended court but refused to give his name told The Independent that “everything that has ever been written about him is fictitious and based on no evidence”. He added: “If you Google Mr Bredenkamp he is supposed to have stolen nuclear bombs. It is ridiculous.”

(“Zimbabwean arms dealer sues Foreign Office for freezing assets” Independent, Friday 21 June 2013; http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/zimbabwean-arms-dealer-sues-foreign-office-for-freezing-assets-8669188.html

Make up your own mind.

Wednesday, 6 April 2016

Atomic chicken

Letter sent to The Times:

Your environment editor’s report on how chickens face a painful fate following  the weakening of animal welfare guidance  by the British Poultry Council (“Chickens will die in pain after welfare rule change, “ The Times, April 6) reminds me of a gruesome fate engineered for chickens during the Cold War.

Twelve years ago this month a blood curdling exhibition opened at the National Archives at Kew, called ‘Secret State,’ crated by former Times Whitehall correspondent, Professor Lord Peter Hennessy.

The exhibition revealed that British boffins  working on an atomic land mine - meant for deployment underground in Germany’s northern plains to destroy advancing Soviet tanks - realised that it could fail in winter if vital components become too cold, so they explored ways of keeping the inner workings warm.

One proposal put forward consisted of filling the casing of the mine with live chickens, which would give off sufficient heat - prior to suffocating or starving to death - to keep the delicate explosive mechanism from freezing.

Despite the potential importance of chickens to the project, the mine was codenamed ‘Blue Peacock’.


This story was mischievously revealed on 1st April – but it was true!

 [Ministry of Information poster (Hydrogen Bomb) Document reference: INF 13/281/7]

 
MAB_325x325

Monday, 4 April 2016

Another coat of HMRC whitewash‏


Letter sent to The Financial Times
Your on line reportage of the" Panama Papers" (Panama leak prompts tax haven probes, 4 April) states that "Authorities in the UK, France, Australia  and New Zealand also said they would look at any allegations of money laundering or tax avoidance that arose from the document leak." 
In the UK they will have to be a bit more curious than the British Treasury, as was revealed in a written Parliamentary answer to Green Party MP Caroline Lucas, who asked the Chancellor late last year (question 20496): how many people were (a) prosecuted and (b) convicted for (i) off-shore tax evasion, (ii) in-shore tax evasion, (iii) tax credit fraud, (iv) VAT fraud, (v) smuggling and (vi) other tax-related offences in each financial year since 2010-11?
The Treasury minister David Gauke answered on 15 January:
"The information is not held in the format requested. HM Revenue and Customs’ centrally held data records the primary reason for the court case. The central data does not separately identify smuggling cases or use the term ‘in-shore evasion’ when recording the number of prosecutions or convictions."  

More recently, Labour veteran backbench MP Paul Flynn asked the Chancellor George Osborne, with reference to paragraph 1.215 of the UK Budget 2016 whether he planned to make additional resources available to HM Revenue and Customs to implement the comprehensive package of measures to tackle tax avoidance and evasion, to be told by Mr Gauke  ( 21 March 2016) 

“The Government will ensure that HM Revenue and Customs has the resources it requires to implement the package of measures announced at Budget 2016 to tackle avoidance and evasion."

I agree with shadow Chancellor John McDonnell that HMRC is woefully underfunded to carry out this important mission, and this reflects the lack of serious intent of ministers  to do anything other than apply another coat of whitewash to the problem, as I predict the tax evasion summit Mr Cameron has called in May will do.

 For more on Mossack Fonseca:

 The Law Firm That Works with Oligarchs, Money Launderers, and Dictators


Vice News, December 3, 2014

Friday, 1 April 2016

Nuclear Delusion


“Britain, a world leader in civil nuclear security, will also use the summit to launch a scheme that will strengthen other countries’ abilities to withstand cyber- attacks at nuclear sites and power plants…”
So announced a low key press release issued collectively on 31 March by the Foreign office, the Prime Minister’s office and the Department of Energy and Climate Change.to make the UK involvement in the fourth - and final-  global Nuclear Security summit in Washington DC (31 March - 1 April; http://www.nss2016.org/.
(https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-us-and-eu-sign-landmark-deal-to-turn-nuclear-material-into-cancer-fighting-treatment)
Ministers are severely deluding themselves if they think the UK is a “world leader in civil nuclear security.”
In early January 2016, the respected Washington DC-based Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) published its annual report. The NTI is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization with a mission to strengthen global security by reducing the risk of use and preventing the spread of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons and to work to build the trust, transparency, and security that are preconditions to the ultimate fulfillment of the Non-Proliferation Treaty’s goals and ambitions.
Mohamed ElBaradei, Nobel Peace Prize winner and former IAEA secretary-general, said of NTI:
 “The Nuclear Threat Initiative is a role model for me of a private-public partnership in issues of security and of survival... NTI has been a trailblazer."
Of the 25 states with weapons-usable nuclear materials, the UK is ranked joint 11th with the US. Their relatively low ranking comes out of being bottom of the list for the quantity and amount of sites with such material – the UK has the largest stockpile of plutonium in the world, most of it at Sellafield, where a long-term decision has still to be made as to what to do with it.
 
1. QUANTITIES AND SITES
Rank / 25 Score / 100 Δ
=1 Argentina 100 +5
=1 Australia 100 +5
3 Uzbekistan 95 +5
4 Iran 89 –
=5 Belarus 84 –
=5 Poland 84 +6
7 Norway 83 -5
8 South Africa 79 +6
9 Italy 73 –
10 Switzerland 72 –
11 Canada 67 –
=12 Belgium 62 +6
=12 Germany 62 –
=12 Netherlands 62 -5
15 North Korea 60 –
16 Kazakhstan 57 -6
17 Israel 44 –
=18 China 34 –
=18 France 34 –
=20 Russia 23 –
=20 United States 23 –
=22 India 22 –
=22 Japan 22 –
=22 Pakistan 22 –
25 United Kingdom 11 –
 
Another announcement  made jointly by the  US and UK, and included in the press release, stated:
“Under the agreement, which will be announced by the Prime Minister at the Nuclear Security Summit in Washington later today, the UK will transfer around 700 kilograms of excess Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU) from the Dounreay nuclear site on the north coast of Scotland to the US. As the largest ever single move of HEU, the transfer will reduce Britain’s overall stockpile of nuclear material. In exchange, the US will send a different type of HEU to the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom) in France, where it will be converted into medical isotopes.”
(https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-us-and-eu-sign-landmark-deal-to-turn-nuclear-material-into-cancer-fighting-treatment)
 
This may or may not be a good commercial deal, but it certainly does not enhance nuclear security.
Shipping nearly 30 nuclear warheads-worth of nuclear explosive material from a secured site in Scotland   across the Atlantic by sea or possibly by air ( from Wick commercial airport, or an RAF airport near Inverness)) is not a security measure.
The HEU coming the other way to France suffers from similar insecurities. It diminishes security, potentially making the nuclear explosives more accessible to terrorists with malevolent intent.
What is just as depressing as this spin by the Government is the lack of challenge by the media, all of which reported the initiative without any question. What has happened to basic investigative reporting?